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The Oxford handbook of the history of mathematics Patronage of the mathematical sciences in Islamic societies. Against this broad backdrop, it is not surprising that many recent popular surveys of the scientific legacy of the Muslim world not written by historians of science would frame the subject either by stressing the extent to which Muslim scholarship provided the basis for the European Renaissance, Sci- entific Revolution and Enlightenment or stressing the degree to which Islam and science were inherently at odds and the Muslim world essentially inhospitable to modern science or rationality.
Science, it is then often posited by representatives of the second group, had never really been at home within the Muslim world, and as the traditions of Islamic law, theology, and mysticism came into their own, it was increasingly persecuted. Since how we approach this question is substantially determined by the termi- nology we use and the precise questions we ask, it is worth prefacing the body of the article with some reflections on categorization.
Terminological Anxieties: Science and Natural Philosophy, Islam, Muslim, and Islamicate For the past few decades, Europeanist historians of science have acknowledged that in order to fully understand scientific developments at any given point in time, these devel- opments need to be not just intellectually, but also culturally, socially, and politically con- textualized.
It follows that there is no easy justification for dividing studies of science into internal analyses of scientific writings, theories, and intellectual debates and external studies discussions of historical contexts, including relevant political, social, and eco- nomic factors.
In a series of articles dealing with early modern European intellectual history, historian of science Andrew Cunningham has argued forcefully for taking the contemporary cate- gories of scholars seriously and understanding what, for example, Isaac Newton was engaged in as natural philosophy and not science.
The aim of natural philosophy, Cunningham believes, is to understand the world as the work of God, whereas, whatever the beliefs of individual scientists might be, God plays no role in the self-understanding of science that emerged out of the 19th century.
Moving Beyond Muslims Being the Middle Link Between Greece and Europe More than three decades ago, in a slim and largely overlooked volume with the title of Die Klassische Antike in der Tradition des Islam Classic Antiquity in the Islamic Tradition , Felix Klein-Franke offered an overview of the changing ways in which European scholars between the 15th and the 20th centuries defined and represented the importance of Greek thought for the Muslim world.
In the 1516th centuries, Greek heritage in Arabic writing was the subject of a series of debates between European Humanists and Arabists. The former tended to argue that Arabic scholarship had distorted Greek thought, had certainly added nothing positive to it, and that the only recourse was to go back to the original Greek sources.
A similar negative view of Arab achievements in science was held by the famed 18th century English historian Edward Gibbon d. Strikingly, however, Goldziher pauses at the end of his article to note that despite such opposition to logic, its study was institutionalized in Islamic educational systems and along with Greek philosophy in general, was employed by the later famed and widely read North African theologian al-San!
The struggle described above belongs solely to the past. Orthodox Islam in its modern development offers no opposition to the study of the ancient sciences, nor does it see an antithesis between itself and them. Although Goldziher himself is more nuanced, as seen for example in his allowing for multiple orthodoxies, one may understand how his article could be misread to suggest that Islam, as a religious tradition and system of thought, was in some fundamental way opposed to the natural sciences.
In the following discussion, I will tend to focus on those areas of research that have broader relevance to the construction of a history of the natural sciences in Islamdom, though here as well, due to the immense scope of the subject, I am sure that there is a great deal that this brief survey will neglect.
Central to the question of the status of the natural sciences in Islamdom is that of the manner in which they were introduced in the first three centuries of the Islamic Era. As Dallal notes, common to both Gutas and Saliba despite their variant dating of the beginnings of Arabo-Islamic science is the assumption that the Arabic translations of Greek and Syriac texts did not produce a new interest in the sciences so much as they were the result of an emergent scientific culture: For translations to be understood and to have an impact, there must have existed a scientific culture, what I call a knowledge base, on which further knowledge could be grafted.
Saliba argues that during the Arabization of the administrative apparatus, a group of people acquired foundational knowledge of the basics of various sciences.
Gutas, on the other hand, argues that what he calls international scholars existed in the seventh and eighth centuries; they were multi- lingual Greek, Arabic, Syriac, Pahlavi , scientifically competent scholars working in a region now unified under Islamic rule and representing a scientific tradition alive before the period of translation.
It should be emphasized that for Saliba, the level of knowledge these scribes attained in their attempt to preserve their social status was superior to that of their predecessors in the period immediately preceding the rise of Islam, an achievement related to their engaging actively with the classical sources. These social factors would have continued importance in subse- quent centuries when Islamicate scholars offered a variety of opinions on the nature of knowledge itself.
Categorizing Knowledge During and following the translations of the ninth century, and at least as late as the 18th century, Islamicate scholars wrote works defining the various sciences and describing how they related to one other, a trend that was manifested as well in the drive to create com- prehensive encyclopedias of knowledge. The inclusion of the natural sciences within such clas- sificatory works testifies to their acceptance by Islamicate scholars, but is less revealing regarding attitudes towards specific sciences than the debates that took place among jurists and theologians.
The translations of scientific texts from Greek, Persian, and Indian sources and the subse- quent rise of Arabic as the premier language of science within Islamdom took place dur- ing the 810th centuries, the same period when the first attempts by Islamicate scholars to classify knowledge took place. Broadly speaking, two different working theories have been proposed in recent years.
In a series of nuanced and insightful articles, A. The primary example advanced here was detailed in the work of David King on the office of the muwaqqit, the office of timekeeper, which brought a practicing astronomer into both mosque and madrasa to calculate not only the correct prayer times and the beginning and end of Ramadan, but also the proper orienta- tion of the qibla, or direction of Mecca.
In both cases, Muslim scholars re-framed and built on largely Greek scientific material, integrating it within what they considered a more properly Isla- mic worldview.
The second major attempt to offer a broad master-narrative for the fate of the natural sciences in Islamdom is that of Ahmad Dallal, who in his recent Islam, Science, and the Challenge of History, argues that Muslim scholars granted scientific thought and research an autonomous realm of activity, with the religious and natural sciences making distinct claims.
Unlike Sabra, Dallal interprets al-! For better or for worse, science did not turn into an ethical value to which other values would be subordinated. Yet while religion domi- nated the moral sphere and claimed a higher rank there on account of the nobility of its subject matter, it did not exercise an epistemological hegemony over science.
After all, if science were truly autonomous, why should jurists or theologians bother with trying to determine to what degree its findings were legally valid? In doing so Dallal drew upon the quite recent work of two scholars who, by focusing on individual figures and taking all of their intellectual interests into account not only those that today would be called scientific have provided templates for how a nuanced history of Islamicate science can be written.
The point of departure for this debate has been the work of George Makdisi, who in The Rise of Colleges argued that the natural sciences were marginal if not entirely excluded from the madrasa system. The work of Chamberlain, Berkey, Brentjes, and Endress, for example, has focused on Damascus, Cairo and Iran, which tells us little about how Muslims in North and West Africa, not to mention the Indian sub-continent were pursuing the natural sciences.
We face similar problems when it comes to the Early Modern Period of roughly , the intellectual history of which has long been comparatively understudied. After all, in a Whiggish narrative of the history of science, once Greek science had been preserved and passed on to Europe, if Muslim scientists could not be found emulating the scientific most often astronomical developments occurring in 1617th Europe, to what extent could they have been intellectually curious at all?
Nevertheless, since the majority of the writing on the natural sciences in Islamdom has focused on astronomy and medicine, it is worth emphasizing not only the presence of a well developed and acknowledged Islamicate mathematical tradition, but also traditions of zoology, alchemy and physiognomy. Magic, knowledge of talismans, the science of letters, and hermeticism more broadly, while at times borrowing from and overlapping with philoso- phy and Sufism, should be recognized as sciences in their own right within Islamdom.
In two recent surveys, S. Nomanul Haq and Edgar W. Francis provide admirable introduc- tions to the social status and practice of magic, divination, and various types of esoteri- cism in general, as well as reflections on the ways in which magic has been constructed in Western scholarship in the past century.
In many ways, it would be safest and most accurate to simply state that the field is not mature enough to offer any conclusive answer to that question. Too many works remain in manuscript, unstudied, or difficult to access. It is precisely regarding this per- iod, the 1618th centuries, that scholars today have struggled with nuancing the previous narrative of decline.
The difference in approach between Huff and Saliba was displayed in an at times acrimonious debate that paralleled many of the major questions at issue in a simultaneous exchange between Andrew Cunningham and Edward Grant.
Such a social con- structivist enterprise may appear all too deconstructive to some, but the general alternative is to continue to mine Islamic intellectual history for potential parallels to spe- cific developments in the European history of, chiefly, astronomy and medicine.
This is not to say that nuanced attempts at comparative intellectual history between Europe and Islamdom could not be immensely productive, only that such attempts all too easily result in appeals to inherent cultural or religious traits as explanatory factors, and need therefore to be undertaken with caution.
Only after we have fully freed ourselves from the master narratives of previous generations and more com- pletely connected scientific production to the intellectual histories in which it was embedded will we be able to write the history of science in Islamdom with greater justi- fiable confidence. Acknowledgement I would like to thank Nahyan Fancy, Nathalie Peutz, and Matthew Melvin-Koushki for their comments and criticisms, all of which improved this article substantially.
I only wish I had been able to address all of their suggestions sufficiently. All opinions and arguments included in the following are, of course, mine alone. Short Biography Justin Stearns is an intellectual historian whose work has examined Christian and Muslim conceptions of contagion, the relationship between law, ethics and science in Islam, pre- modern Muslim representations of Christians, and the creation of nostalgia for al-Andalus, He has published articles dealing with these subjects in al-Qantara, Islamic Law and Society, and Medieval Encounters.
His current work focuses on the social status of science in the early modern Muslim world and the 17th century Moroccan scholar al-Yusi. He has received Ful- bright and Fulbright-Hays fellowships to support his research in Spain and Morocco. Email: jstearns nyu. New York: Routledge, I am sympathetic to the criticisms of Sonja Brentjes in her review of the latter in Technology and Culture, 40 : , in which she notes an edi- torial tendency to emphasize Muslim contributions to the emergence of modern science in Europe at the expense of the contextualization of Arabic science.
Osler ed. For a recent discussion and partial trans- lation of Ibn Ab! PhD Dissertation, University of Arizona, The 19th century works of Moritz Steins- chneider that deal with Arabic translations of Greek texts are collected in Die arabischen Ubersetzungen! Verlagsanstalt, Klein-Franke offers considerable detail from contemporaries of Goldziher as well, offering much more nuance regarding the scholarship of the time than I am able to give here.
Schwartz ed. For an example of al-Ghaz! Ahmed, B. Sadeghi, M. Bonner eds. A Controversy from Renan and Afgh! See Sezgin, Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums v.
Jamil Ragep took Saliba to task for being too focused on sociological causes with regard to the translations and not situating them enough within their intellectual context. For another approach to the cultural and social factors that influenced the study of the natural sciences, see also the essay of J.
Jamil Ragep and Sally P. Ragep eds. In this article, Heck drew on his distinct, yet related study of Qad! Heck drew on the following sources that can be profitably consulted in their own right: M. MacDonald eds. For al-S! Arnzen and J.
Thielmann eds. Witkam, De egyptische arts Ibn al-Akf! For al-Y! The classifications genre prolifer- ated in Muslim culture, and whether directly or indirectly, all classifications dealt with the position of various disci- plines of learning relative to each other and the relationship between religious knowledge and scientific knowledge and knowledge more broadly. Some contemporary historians have had difficulty in identifying patterns in the rap- idly evolving genre of classification and have as a result attributed their confusion to the genre itself.
Leiden: Brill, Sabra was right to fear that his work could be read in a reductive fashion. Griffel dis- tinguishes himself from many early commentators by not focusing on a single work of al-Ghaz! For specific passages on al-Ghaz! I have previously suggested that while they did not draw explicitly on his thought, several of al-Ghaz! Stone eds. I discuss the attitude of Prophetic medicine toward contagion in Infec- tious Ideas, 739.
See Islam, Science, and the Challenge of History, 4. Hovannisian and Georges Sabagh eds. Tzvi Langermann ed. The author has told me that his dissertation is currently being revised for publication. For the example of contagion, see Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 36, 7990, 2, and the respective footnotes.
See also the comment of Morrison on this very subject in the context of whether al-N! Any association of N! If we can document the use of N! On the subject of post-Avicennian logic, see also Asad Q. Akkach has a far less nuanced view of the Q!
I hope to include my revised view in a future article comparing the thought of al-N! My thinking on the relationship between Sufism and the natural sciences in the Ottoman Empire has been substantively influenced by the unpub- lished work of Marlene Kurz on Fazl! He continued, "By the way, no one else in the world would ever admit that, but I don't care, and again, I'm not gonna say it on TV. The interview ended when Stewart pointedly suggested: "Maybe we can remove the 'financial expert' and the 'In Cramer We Trust' and start getting back to fundamentals on the reporting, as well, and I can go back to making fart noises and funny faces.
On August 3, , in what was described a " rant " Cramer made a plea for the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates. They know nothing. This is a different kinda market. And the Fed is asleep. The Inverse Cramer ETF listed in its filings that aside from jokes or obviously meritable investment recommendations, in general, the fund would bet against all of Cramer's recommendations both on Mad Money and Cramer's Twitter feed, and the fund estimates to have a "high turnover rate".
Upon the launch of the fund, prior to Meta's earnings, Cramer responded on Twitter by touting his reputation and claiming the ETF would not last long before stating he wouldn't be making further comments on the company. He apparently reversed this decision, though, and continued to make comments before seemingly reversing course and "welcoming" the fund, though further touting his reputation.
In February , the U. Securities and Exchange Commission served subpoenas requesting information from several journalists, including Cramer, in conjunction with allegations of collusion between short-sellers of Overstock. The SEC indicated it had no intention of enforcing the subpoenas after lawyers for Dow Jones objected to the government's demands for communications between journalists and their sources.
SEC Chairman Christopher Cox said neither he nor any of the SEC's four other commissioners were aware of the subpoenas, which he called "highly unusual. He later apologized for using the phrase, which was also employed frequently by President Donald Trump.
I have such reverence for the office, I would never use that term. From to , Cramer was married to Karen Backfisch, with whom he had two children. In a interview on The Carlos Watson Show Cramer stated that he dealt with mental health issues surrounding his anger and his workplace behavior, attributing the problem to his childhood experiences with his father. Cramer lives in Summit, New Jersey. Cramer was one of about candidates for the Time in Cramer loves Philadelphia and has said the key to an economic resurgence of the city is a high-speed rail connection with New York City.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. American stockbroker, television personality, author. Wyndmoor, Pennsylvania , U. Karen Backfisch. Lisa Cadette Detwiler. Main article: Jon StewartJim Cramer conflict. Spring Jim ". Pennsylvania Center for the Book.
Harvard Law Today. December 23, June 14, Business Insider. April 19, The New York Times. The Manic Universe of Jim Cramer". Kiplinger's Personal Finance. Bloomberg Businessweek. October 31, Advance Publications. NBC Sports. May 13, CBS News. Vanity Fair. ISBN New York Daily News. Patch Media. September 16, Judiciary of New York state. Business Wire. August 8, The A. The New Yorker. Comedy Central. March 12, So Is a Meltdown". Confessions of a Street Addict.
December 22, The Globe and Mail. New York Post. USA Today. October October 12, The Motley Fool. The Wall Street Journal. Evening Standard. New Word City.
August 5, Finance Profs Investigate". Social Science Research Network. SSRN The San Diego Union-Tribune. Associated Press. Jim Cramer". Bloomberg News. August 3, Archived from the original on December 12, via YouTube. Federal Reserve Board of Governors.
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|Onslow county humane society||The New Yorker. The second major attempt to offer a broad master-narrative for the fate of the natural sciences in Islamdom is that of Ahmad Dallal, who in his recent Nunace, Science, and the Challenge of History, argues that Frank stearns nuance scholars granted scientific thought and research an autonomous realm of activity, with the religious and natural sciences making distinct claims. September 22, Ali Humayun Akhtar, PhD. During this time, his apartment was robbed and he lost everything, forcing him to stsarns out of his read article for 9 months. Suzan Yalman. Advance Publications.|
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He eventually got an apartment with some friends, became interested in photography, something he kept at for the rest of his life, and had a series of working-class jobs including as a railroad switchman. By the mids, he was involved in a psychological and therapeutic community in Los Angeles, ultimately a kind of soft cult, where he lived in houses with others and was able to use his considerable talents as a gearhead: carpenter, electrician, audio-visual tech man, a jack-of-all-trades. When the community dissolved in early , Karen and Frank moved to Jamaica, N.
Frank discovered he liked these people and this world very much. Unlike his own family, these New York Jews loved to talk, laugh, make and tell jokes, go to movies, concerts, and theatres, and play tennis, a sport he came to love. And, boy, could these Jews eat. When Frank came to New York, he was six feet tall and skinny; in fact, he instantly became the tallest and by far the skinniest person in the whole family. It took his mother-in-law and countless family events nearly 30 years to fatten Frank up enough so that not only was he no longer skinny, but now he needed to go to Weight Watchers which, coincidentally, had been founded by Jewish women on Long Island a lot like his new relatives.
All of this gradually made Frank a happier man. In , Karen gave birth to twin daughters, Jenny and Ali, whom he adored from the moment of their birth, and whom he parented with all of the love, kindness, and warmth that his own parents had been incapable of. Frank also became a volunteer working at the national office of the Communist Party in Manhattan. This was the start of a beautiful friendship, one I will forever cherish.
Frank was a very resourceful and talented human being. He invited his brother-in-law, who happened to be among the most knowledgeable people on the subject, Professor Harry Levine of Queens College. Frank was also the resident photographer, setting up stage lighting when needed. All this was in addition to working with the finance department. Our office will not be the same without Frank. He was a ray of sunshine every day he was there. He was a Vietnam Vet who had been poisoned by Agent Orange.
After the war, he grew to understand that the real purpose of the war was imperialist domination, not freedom.
He was very likable and he was really loved by all the comrades who knew him. He loved his family above all and talked about them constantly. When he got his first checks from the government, for being poisoned with Agent Orange, every morning he brought me a fresh cup of the best coffee in Chelsea until I retired from full-time work.
Thanks, Frank, you are a true friend. Warning: U. Water Protector and intrepid warrior Joye Braun passes on. Free college was once the norm all over America.
The clock is ticking in Ukraine for U. Frank Stearns, Tags: Communist Party coronavirus Obituary veterans Vietnam war. Frank W. Stearns in Wikimedia Commons has media related to Frank Waterman Stearns.
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Previously, he served in senior executive positions in healthcare technology and consulting companies including Allscripts/Eclipsys, Cerner, CSC, MediQual Systems, and Nuance . Frank Stearns's Email. f****[email protected] Show email and phone number. Greater Boston Area. Executive Vice President @ HBI Solutions, Inc.. Vice President, Healthcare Services @ . Frank Waterman Stearns (November 8, , Boston ) was an American businessman whose father, Richard H. Stearns had founded the R. H. Stearns department store and Estimated Reading Time: 1 min.